@Ronin_5 - eviltoast
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Joined 1 year ago
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Cake day: August 17th, 2023

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  • That’s fairly idealist of you to claim that.

    Why is it idealist? Three reasons:

    First of all, the means of production, (and through which we can sustain the population density in the states) is industry. Without industry, farms will not be able to generate enough yield to sustain our population density.

    Secondly, suppose that a revolution happens, and the American experiment is ended. Will the workers and the people who have revolted, agree to give the means of production to the aboriginals, essentially placing them as a new ruling class? It would be against working class interests.

    Thirdly, human society will organize themselves in response to material conditions. In the case of the capture or gifting of the industrial mode of production to the aboriginals, the previously equitable aboriginals will reorganize themselves to for a new capitalist class.

    A more equitable solution is to have aboriginals take part in the revolution and subsequently collectively own the land and means of production alongside the working class.

    Racial and other hierarchies are developed in response to not just capitalism, but rather property, the defence of property, and the conquest of properties. As it is, whiteness is just another word for the capitalist class, as representative for the ruling hierarchical class. For example, Obama is white.

    So, to get rid of whiteness, you must change/reorganize our current mode of production. (A la Lenin) But to have enough bargaining power to do that, you must organize across all the intersections.

    And how do we do that? By focusing on our common interests, organizing around our common interests, and fighting for our common interests. How do we not do that? By focusing on our differences and hiding the capitalist contradiction through arguing about the contradiction between intersections.



  • What Volcker did wasn’t special. Interest rates must be raised or lowered in proportion to inflation caused by supply or demand disruptions. That’s it.

    It’s one of the many maintenance mechanisms needed to maintain capitalism. If handled incorrectly, without centralized control, the economy will crash every time there’s a disruption. That’s why we say there’s no such thing as the free market.

    In this case, interests rates were raised in response to the 1979 oil crisis causing massive inflation. It’s not a conscious choice or a change in policy, but rather a response to material conditions.

    As a result, this is why you need to look at trends on a longer scale in order to even out these disruptions to find the macro trend. And these macro trends usually have to have something huge as a root cause, like the fall of a rival superpower. Not a temporary increase in interests rates.



  • First of all, racism isn’t mandatory for us to make a living. Thus, there is no material basis for racism. And because there is no material basis for racism, we can much more easily organize collective bargaining power, to use direct democracy, to remove the structural barriers causing segregation.

    Secondly, naming it had devolved into a mental shortcut that’s been exploited and perverted to advance practices that lead to more racism, or to practices that’s intensified racial discrimination.

    Lastly, universities still admit based on academics. What we’re doing is changing the groups that you’re selecting the top performers from, from race to income. So for example, if you have to admit a certain number of students from each district, proportional to the population of that district, then that will vastly increase the equality of university admissions, because it normalizes for education conditions. Failing at that, you will decrease the amount of segregation in society as a whole, as more affluent families move to poorer school districts for a leg up. So, it’s win-win really.


  • Colonialism is not contradictory within the US, but rather between the US (specifically US corporations and client state corporations) and other states. (As opposed to the internal fascistic capitalism within the states) As such, we can have racial equality within these corporations, but the global systemic hierarchy / international contradiction still remains.

    There is data confirming that the benefit from imperialism is marginal in the working class in the US, with this data specifically being how the real average wage of production and non-supervisory employees have not increased significantly. We can see the same trends in heavily exploited countries such as Mexico, with the conclusion being that a good part of America can literally be compared to an over exploited third world country.

    The contradiction inside the US is and always has been between the rich and the poor, and segregation has been just a means of preventing organization. In other words, contradictions between races have been intensified to the point where it overwrites the primary contradiction.

    However, material conditions do not enforce the contradiction between races, and this is just a facade; our current method of production (the methods which we use to put food on the table) does not necessitate segregation by race. What enforces segregation and racism is the structure put in place by our bourgeois dictatorship.

    1. Why not both?

    Yes both, but not the way the liberals do it. You can’t solve racism by policing microaggressions or letting more black people into Harvard. You do it by organizing around a mass line, with goals to removing the segregational rules and policies that not necessarily affects only race, but also wealth.

    The same method used to invoke qualitative change can be used.



  • The way to fix racism is to stop referring to things in terms of race, but rather in terms of wealth.

    Addressing racism ironically frames the problem in terms of the in-group and the out group being segregated along lines of race. A more materialist framing is with the in group and out group along the lines of wealth, as that is the dominant factor determining your quality of life.

    So for example, instead of trying to make university admissions representative of population demographics, we should be pushing to accept a fixed proportion from each wealth bracket.

    However, that’s not to say solidarity movements are not productive. It is of the utmost importance to join with these movements and support these movements. The most important reason is to avoid segregation along race lines. The second reason is that we often have the same goals, and a class analysis can advance their agenda and prevent it from being derailed by capitalist forces.









  • Measures such as the stock market and GDP were meant to act as proxies for measuring how well the economy was accomplishing its stated purpose, which is to improve the standard of living for everyone.

    I would argue that they aren’t and never have been a measure of how well the economy is at distributing resources. Stocks haven’t been accessible to the working class until recently. And GDP is neither normalized to PPP nor gives any indication as to its distribution among the populace.

    The “economy” (read: bourgeois economy) has never been connected to the masses. If you measure how well businesses are performing, then it only tells you how well businesses are performing. That’s why these indicators are lagging and not leading.