@AnarchoBolshevik - eviltoast

Lemmygrad’s resident expert on fascism’ — GrainEater, 2024

The political desperadoes and ignoramuses, who say they would “Rather be Dead than Red”, should be told that no one will stop them from committing suicide, but they have no right to provoke a third world war.’ — Morris Kominsky, 1970

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Cake day: August 27th, 2019

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  • Anarcho-Bolshevik@lemmygrad.mltoMemes@lemmy.mlWhy u mad?
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    1 month ago

    I am sure that most of the bipeds who find this shirt offensive are White supremacists, but to be honest I can see somebody disliking it solely for its violent content; some people are so squeamish that even seeing oppressors dying can activate a visceral reaction.

    I know that hangings are relatively mundane, but try to imagine somebody applying sharp objects to an SS trooper’s particularly sensitive areas and maybe you’ll understand.




  • Gaza is, by far, the safest and most well fed place on Earth. There is not a single civilian anywhere in there who feels the least bit peckish. I was in there yesterday and everybody told me that they were having nothing but the time of their lives, constantly eating all of their gourmet meals generously provided by the IDF. If given the choice between taking my family to either Disneyland or Gaza, I would choose Gaza without a second’s hesitation. Easily. No contest.

    The only conceivable reason that the United Nations, the ICRC, The Lancet, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the International Association of Genocide Scholars, and more than one hundred other organizations would condemn the war on Hamas is that they want to exterminate the Jewish race, just like anybody who opposes the Ukrainian government is a Russian troll who wants Putin to annex Ukraine and genocide millions of European people with blond hair and blue eyes. If all of those thousands of so-called ‘experts’ and ‘scholars’ had my superior brain, they’d agree wholeheartedly.

    The IDF are the most moral army in the world and are not oppressing anybody whatsoever in Gaza. I’m not saying that the IDF are perfect, but if you found evidence of the IDF committing war crimes, it wasn’t evidence of the IDF committing war crimes. So relax, keep calm and everything will be perfectly fine as long as you keep sending us those tax dollars. I promise.

    Signed,
    Benjamin Netanyahu










  • To be honest, when I first saw the claim about the Minsk radio station I immediately wondered if it was real, but The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, pg. 621 does briefly discuss it and the author cited the ‘German Foreign Office papers, […] p. 480’. Strangely, though, not that many sources discuss it, and the few that I did find had surprisingly little to say about it; finding in depth English information on this radio station is frustratingly uneasy. A couple sources (The Fate of Poles in the USSR and The Polish Review) specifically claim that this station helped the Luftwaffe bomb towns, villages, and cities: a serious accusation that has attracted suspiciously little attention and reeks of Cold War sensationalism. Now I’m starting to wonder: did the Soviets even make good on their presumable promise to help the Luftwaffe?

    Here is what pg. 480 of the German Foreign Office papers says:

    “The Chief of the General Staff of the Luftwaffe² would be very much obliged to the People’s Commissariat for Telecommunications if—for urgent navigational tests—the Minsk Broadcasting Station could, until further notice and commencing immediately, send out a continuous dash with intermittent call-sign ‘Richard Wilhelm 1.0.’ in the intervals between its programmes, and introduce the name ‘Minsk’ as often as possible in the course of its programme.”

    I don’t know if it’s because of my limited expertise in this particular subject or if there is some context that I am overlooking, but judging from this report alone, it really doesn’t sound that scandalous. It sounds downright boring, actually. What do you think: is sending out a continuous dash and repeatedly introducing a name in navigational tests a cause for concern…? Can you feel yourself sweating at all…? Do you think that you’ll lose any sleep tonight…? Even just a little bit…? Be honest.

    A funny thing, though:

    “One eve­ning a soldier came to the place where I lived and told us he’d heard on the radio that every­body who didn’t want to be under German occupation was welcome in the USSR: the borders ­were open for every­body.”²¹ As she has heard about the Nazi treatment of Jews in Germany, she says to herself: “Maybe ­there is a way. Maybe the USSR ­will save my life.” So together with some friends and her brother, she decides, as she puts it, to take up the “Rus­sian offer.”²² They leave Warsaw on foot on 28 September. She writes: “The next day we ­were refugees in the care of the Rus­sian Army in Bialystok. […] ​We were well treated and got some food and shelter.”²³

    (Source.)


  • Far from possessing a single will, the reaction of Communists to the [German]–Soviet Pact and Chamberlain’s declaration of war was confused and heterogeneous, for the war shattered the Party’s whole conception of international politics.

    (Source.)

    Campaigns to demand shelter facilities, directed by the Communist Party, were also mounted. The government feared that Communist agitation about poor shelter provision in the working-class areas of London might provide fertile ground for political subversion. One incident of this campaign for improved shelter facilities was a demonstration at the Savoy in London’s West End. This became the subject of Cabinet investigations. The minutes of the Cabinet meeting record the recommendation that:

    …strong action should, if necessary, be taken to prevent demonstrations by bodies of people purporting to seek better shelter accommodation…’

    (Source.)

    In January 1941, the central committee of the Communist Party of Belgium (Parti Communiste de Belgique, PCB) had started producing Le Drapeau Rouge (Red Flag) clandestinely. While formally supporting the [German–Soviet] pact and placing the blame for the war equally on Berlin and London, in its second edition proclaimed itself to be “against national-socialism, the agent of big business. The struggle for socialism continues.”

    The resolution of the central committee “accepts the patriotic character of the resistance developed by certain sections of the Anglophile bourgeoisie and recognises the necessity to create a parallel movement to avoid the working class being dragged along behind”.¹⁵ Although it is equally fair to say that the anti[fascist] sentiments that were widespread in the Belgian working class pushed the PCB into opposing the occupation more forcefully than the logic of their support for the [German–Soviet] pact would imply.

    (Source.)

    Albert Ouzoulias, commander of the Bataillons de la Jeunesse (Youth Battalions), armed wing of the Jeunesse Communiste said:

    "For us, even a Nazi was a human being. The discussions had centred on this question. The comrades refused to execute a German soldier who could have been a Communist comrade from Hamburg or a worker from Berlin. Even an officer could have been an anti-Nazi teacher. At least, everyone felt that killing a Gestapo officer was justified. But our comrades did not understand that the best way to defend our country during a war was to kill the maximum number of German officers. This would hasten the end of the war and the end of the misfortune that has affected many of the peoples of the world, including the German people. Internationalism at this time was to kill the largest possible number of Nazis".⁵⁵

    In fact, the majority of Communists were happy to be rid of the [German–Soviet] pact and were quickly comfortable with the combativity of the new line.

    (Source.)


  • Despite the [German–Soviet] pact, Communist resistance started very quickly in the Pas‐de‐Calais. The particular circumstances of the Forbidden Zone allowed for an independence of action that Auguste Lecœur and Julien Hapiot were able to take maximum advantage of. They decided, in August 1940, to begin organising illegal Communist activity against the occupying forces.⁷

    […]

    Thus, the Communists of the Pas‐de‐Calais began their anti‐[Reich] propaganda very early on. Nevertheless, the Communists of the region did not think of themselves as disloyal to their party and their confidence in the Soviet Union was as strong as ever, it was simply that the daily reality of the Forbidden Zone pushed then more rapidly to a more anti‐[Reich] position than their comrades elsewhere.

    (Emphasis added. Source.)